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Sunday, November 27th, 2005

Battling Wal-Mart

Neal Pierce/The Oregonian

The Wal-Mart Watch campaign, a labor-environmental group highly critical of
America's mega-mega retailer, recently launched more than 1,000 events
nationwide for its "Higher Expectations Week."

"Wal-Mart: The High Cost of Low Price," a scathing documentary by
independent filmmaker Robert Greenwald with a focus on Wal-Mart's business
tactics and treatment of workers, began to play to audiences across the
country.

Wal-Mart is fighting its critics with waves of television ads celebrating
happy workers and the company's gifts to local charities.

But the action goes much further. Across state capitals, legislators are
into spirited debates over whether Wal-Mart should be forced to pay adequate
health benefits or leave it to the states to subsidize its low-paid workers
through Medicaid and other public benefits.

Scene of the biggest current fight: Maryland, where Gov. Robert Ehrlich
vetoed a measure to require any company with more than 10,000 workers --
only Wal-Mart qualifies -- to spend at least 8 percent of payroll on health
benefits. Or, alternatively, to contribute significantly to the state's
health insurance program.

An override vote on Ehrlich's veto is set for January. Wal-Mart has deployed
at least a dozen lobbyists to Annapolis, offering goodies such as a $10,000
gift to underwrite a conference of black legislators.

In one sense, all of this is predictable: With annual sales of $288 billion
and 1.6 million employees, Wal-Mart is now the world's biggest corporation.
Its footprint on American communities and retailing is so vast that some
opposition to its tactics is virtually inevitable.

Current debates about proposed Wal-Mart stores in Cornelius, Gresham and
Beaverton -- with the typical protests by many local citizens and smaller
retailers -- are par for the course. Usually Wal-Mart wins, though not
always; it has experienced some dramatic rejections.

But something even bigger seems to be happening. Wal-Mart has become the
poster child for an era of unfettered globalized corporate operations -- "a
destabilizing business model, a dangerous detriment to America's local and
national economies and to the middle class," in the words of critic Leo
Hindery Jr. He's former CEO of the telecom carrier Global Crossing and an
active figure in Democratic Party politics.

At a recent Washington conference organized by the Center for American
Progress, Hindery noted that as recently as 1992 (the year of Wal-Mart
founder Sam Walton's death), the Business Roundtable of top business leaders
was saying that corporations had a major responsibility not just to
stockholders but to their employees, society at large, and the nation's
economy.

But now, Hindery says the Business Roundtable -- and most of the corporate
world -- focuses almost exclusively on profits for stockholders.

Wal-Mart leads and embodies the trend in three ways, he says:

The "clobbering" of Main Streets when Wal-Mart moves to one of its usual
edge-of-town locations.

"The miserable wage and benefits package offered by Sam Walton's creation."

Wal-Mart's buying strategy, focused on cheaply produced foreign goods, a
total reversal of Walton's "Buy America" advocacy.

The reply of economists friendly to Wal-Mart is based, like the company's
promotions, almost exclusively on low prices and efficiency. According to a
Wal-Mart-commissioned study by Global Insight, a respected
economic-forecasting firm, low Wal-Mart prices saved consumers $263 billion
last year.

Wal-Mart defenders say that's "progressive" because the benefits flow
principally to low-income families who shop at discount stores.

But the real choice, says Harry Holzer, former chief economist for the U.S.
Labor Department, is between "lower-road" employer strategies focused, such
as Wal-Mart, on low wages regardless of high employee turnover, versus a
"higher-road" strategy by employers focused on higher worker productivity
that's supported by higher wages and benefits as well as training and
promotion ladders.

Mass-retailer Costco, which competes directly with Wal-Mart's Sam's Club
warehouse chain, has emerged as the high-road model. While Wal-Mart fights
aggressively to stop any union organizing whatever, Costco has agreements
with the Teamsters for 16 percent of its employees and has extended most of
the benefits to its entire workforce.

A BusinessWeek analysis shows Costco's average hourly wage is $15.97, far
above the Wal-Mart (Sam's Club) $11.52 figure, even excluding the 25 percent
of Wal-Mart workers who are low-paid part-timers.

The yearly employer contributions to health care -- Costco, $5,735;
Wal-Mart, $3,500. Of Costco employees, 82 percent are covered by the health
plan; Wal-Mart, 47 percent. Employee turnover at Wal-Mart is three times
higher than Costco's.

And then comes the clincher, suggesting the low-road approach may not be so
clever after all: Costco's profit per employee is $13,647; Wal-Mart's,
$11,039.

Paying good wages and benefits, says Costco CEO Jim Sinegal, "is not
altruistic; this is good business."

Still, if history is any measure, it will take energetic union organizing to
force Wal-Mart to shift tactics -- perhaps a replay of 1937, when a
courageous Detroit sit-in strike by young women at Woolworth's, the dominant
retailer of the day, sparked a string of nationwide victories and
substantial pay increases.

Wal-Mart Watch, though it was founded by Andy Stern, head of the Service
Workers International, isn't quite ready to leap into an organizing fight.
But if and when it's ready, look for a struggling that shapes America's
entire economy and character for the century.


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